If you have opened an account and accepted a signup offer yourself, you may encounter problems if someone else in your household then opens an account with the same company. You may find that not only will any winnings you have accrued be confiscated, but you may also have your account closed and forfeit your deposits as well. There are regulations to protect children and vulnerable people from being harmed by gambling.
If you feel that an advert misled you concerning the terms and conditions of a game, you should use Resolver to make a complaint. If you find that you're still receiving marketing information after opting to self-exclude, you should make a complaint to your bookmaker as soon as possible. Resolver's free tool will help you stop any further marketing materials being sent to you.
If you think that a bookmaker has deliberately misled you or displayed unclear information, you can use Resolver to make a complaint. If you intend to bet on an anytime goalscorer, you should double-check that your bookmaker offers an anytime market. If you feel that the bookmaker has misled you about the terms of a goalscorer bet, you can use our free goalscorer betting complaint tool to make a complaint.
If you place a bet after kick-off, you may fall foul of the "five-minute" rule. This is a rule upheld by most bookmakers that means that your bet will only stand if there has been no goal scored, penalty awarded or no one sent off within the first five minutes. The exact time limit depends on the bookmaker in question. If in-play betting is being offered online, many bookmakers will allow late bets to stand at the in-play price available at the time the bets were placed.
However, bookmakers who have a five-minute rule tend to enforce it for coupon bets. When a horse is withdrawn from a race, it becomes easier for the other horses to win. Rule 4 is a deduction that bookmakers make from your winnings when you have taken a fixed odds price prior to the withdrawal of runners.
If, however, you back a horse that has been withdrawn from the race, your stake will be refunded. Customers often find that their bets on overseas racing have been settled at shorter odds than expected. There may be multiple prices available for the same race — customers should clearly specify which price they want. If you are concerned about your gambling, you can contact the Samaritans on or GambleAware on The Resolver gambling complaints tool will guide you through preparing and submitting your complaint.
Got it. Who is your issue with? In this guide: Your Rights I can't withdraw my winnings! My account has been closed! I've self-excluded but was still allowed to gamble! I didn't understand the terms and conditions! My bet was settled at the wrong odds! Best odds guaranteed BOG — what are my rights?
Accumulators and 'related bets' — what are my rights? My bet was disallowed because it was late! Placed a bet but the official results were wrong! Cash-out — what are my rights? Mistakes with coupons, betting slips and betting receipts I don't think the company had a gambling licence! I've self-excluded but I'm still receiving marketing material! A site says the minimum withdrawal is higher than my deposit! Free spins and bonus slots Opening multiple accounts Advertising The content of a gambling advert was not appropriate The advert is aimed at children of vulnerable people The advert was misleading I'm still receiving marketing information after self-excluding Football Extra-time wins Goalscorer betting The "five-minute" rule Horse racing Rule 4 Overseas racing Gambling complaints tool.
If you find that it's unreasonably difficult to withdraw money from your account, you can make a complaint via Resolver. In the UK, the Gambling Commission supports you in being able to withdraw your money.
They say that bookmakers shouldn't hold onto your money unfairly. Bookmakers can stop you from withdrawing your winnings if they notice suspicious activity. This includes any discrepancies in your account. They should set out their rules online and stick to them, though. If you think a bookmaker has treated you unfairly , you can make a complaint via Resolver. Start your case now. All British Casino. Aladdin Slots. Affiliate Empire. Argyll Entertainment. Action on Hearing Loss.
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But frankly, I could never be bothered to walk the extra half mile. Maybe I am just lucky. But now that my year of betting responsibly is over, and my winnings have gone to charity, I am conflicted. Should I carry on, if only for the craic?
Should I be upping my weekly stake? Why not bulk up your savings at the bookie rather than let it sit in a bank or building society or some fixed-rate bond, earning measly interest? There are at least 30, reasons why readers should not follow my example by seeking to boost their income via the bookmakers. That was the number of calls that individuals with, or affected by, gambling problems made to the charity GamCare in , a number expected to rise when the latest figures are released next month.
My one-year dalliance with short odds betting might have been an interesting and profitable diversion, but for an estimated , people, gambling their way out of the recession is not going to plan. Some punters, it is true, do prosper from short odds betting.
That takes nerve, or recklessness. This might explain the exponential increase in the number of online tipsters. So he was impressed by my end total of Or would I have followed the example of most compulsive gamblers and tried to win back the shortfall with a series of higher odds bets?
Gambling, said one former addict, is like cocaine. Some can handle it. Most cannnot. So my advice to anyone thinking of emulating my Year of Betting Responsibly is not to follow suit. Sure, you might end up in profit. Consumer affairs.
Meet the man who beat the bookies — and the banks. But the odds are against you. Is it possible to make money on sports betting? Yes, says Simon Inglis, who has earned more than a best-buy savings account in a year — but no if you look at the victims of the industry, as we detail below. Photograph: Guardian. Simon Inglis.
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Historically in England gold, silver, and lead were reserved to the crown. In the United States private ownership of minerals has been the rule, subject to considerable state regulation in the name of conservation. Just as the systems of private ownership with regard to water have tended to divide between those systems that award the water to the person who has it on his land and those that award it to the person who discovered or appropriated it, so too those Western systems that allow private ownership of minerals alternate between giving them to the landowner and giving them to the discoverer.
Throughout the West the human body, living or dead, is not an object of private property. This fact has raised difficulties in many legal systems. For example, if the human body is not property, the question arises of what is happening when someone makes a gift of or sells blood or bodily organs or makes a testamentary disposition of his body for medical purposes.
Many jurisdictions have special legislation on this topic, but the conceptual difficulty is by no means resolved. Possession of a tangible thing is, at least in the West, a concept that antedates conscious thought about law. Possession is a fact, the Roman jurists said, formed of an intention and a thing animus et corpus. English law also had to deal with a fairly complicated social fact, seisin , the process by which a lord put his man in possession of a tenement.
In English law the concept of seisin was also applied to tangible things other than land, things that were not subject to lordship. Any legal system that begins its property law with a concept of possession is going to have a property law biased in favour of tangible things.
It is easy for Westerners to conceive of possessing almost anything that can be touched. It is far more difficult to conceive of possessing an abstraction like a right, a privilege, or a power. Westerners who are not lawyers will say that they possess their watches or their land; they will rarely say that they possess their bank accounts or the power to convey their land. Civil law , following Roman, has tended to deny the possibility of legal possession of anything that cannot be touched.
English and American law, by contrast, generally are more open to the notion that one may be possessed of a right, a power, or a privilege. In the case of land, civil law tends to give possession to the owner of the land and to be reluctant to recognize property rights in anyone other than the owner. Anglo-American law, however, recognizes multiple possessory rights in land and hence tends to speak not of ownership of the land but of ownership of an interest in land—i.
The types of intangible rights granted by governments expanded greatly in the 19th and 20th centuries. The oldest of these are the exclusive rights given by states and international bodies to encourage and protect authors, inventors, manufacturers, and tradesmen. Copyright , the exclusive right to prohibit the copying of a piece of writing or a work of art or music, is almost universally regarded as a property right. In most Western systems copyrights are freely assignable.
They are normally protected against state interference in the manner of other forms of property. In the United States it seems clear that the legislature may make a grant to an individual or group of individuals in such a way as to entitle that individual to property protection in the grant. The grant may then not be taken away without due process of law in a procedural sense.
The grant may even be made in such a way that it cannot be taken without the payment of compensation. In other countries in the West the courts have been less involved in these public-law programs. It is perhaps all the more notable, therefore, that throughout the West there has been a tendency in recent years to make at least certain kinds of government grants more secure. As a general matter, government grants can be taken away for fewer reasons, and the process by which they can be taken away has become more elaborate.
The same tendency toward property-like treatment is also noticeable throughout the West with regard to certain kinds of arrangements between private citizens. Landlord-tenant law, for example, a traditional topic of property law at least in the descriptive sense, has tended to give greater security to the tenant see below Landlord and tenant.
Western law has also tended to give greater security to employees who are not the holders of property rights even in the descriptive sense , requiring, for example, that an employer justify discharging a long-term employee. If the distinction between tangible and intangible property has become increasingly blurred in Western law and if the category of intangible property seems to be increasingly expanding, the distinction between movable and immovable tangible things has remained relatively fixed.
As noted above, Anglo-American property law began as a law concerning land. Reflecting these two types of actions, immovable property such as a permanent building came to be called real property , and movable property such as personal possessions , personal property see real and personal property. Beginning from a law that made a radical distinction between interests in land and all other kinds of property, modern Anglo-American law has gradually come to view both kinds of property as similar.
There remain, however, in many jurisdictions distinctions between the two that are more the product of the historical development than they are of any modern functional distinction. In almost all Anglo-American jurisdictions, for example, different forms of conveyance are used depending on whether the property conveyed is real or personal.
The types of interests that may be recognized in the two also vary in many Anglo-American jurisdictions. Modern civil law also recognizes the distinction between movables and immovables. In Germany , for example, the distinction forms the main division of property law, and modern Russian law similarly divides property between movables and immovables.
By and large, however, the civil law has followed Roman law in minimizing the distinction. Certain types of privileges of use are recognized only in land, but these tend to be interests that could not be had in a movable good, such as a right-of-way or a privilege to build. Conveyance of land may be somewhat different, but not radically different, from conveyance of movables.
Statutes of limitation or periods of prescription may be longer for land than for movables. On the whole, however, the differences are not so great as they are in Anglo-American law. Just as the range of permissible objects of property has been affected by the distinction between property-as-commodity property as wealth and property-as-propriety property as the material foundation of the good—i. Both Anglo-American and civil law sought a single legal person in whom the vast complex of property rights, privileges, and powers could be said to reside.
Historical shifts in the law of persons the recognition, for example, of more persons as being of equal status before the law have created more persons to whom the agglomerative tendency could attach but have not defeated the tendency. The fact that modern law freely allows the creation of fictitious legal persons corporations has, if anything, exaggerated the tendency. In both Anglo-American and civil law the paradigmatic holder of property is a single human person.
The fact that in the West today far more wealth is held in some form of co-ownership or corporate ownership has not yet affected this paradigm. Limitations still exist on property-holding capacity and on the capacity to deal with property.
Thus, many jurisdictions still limit, in some way, the property-holding capacity of noncitizens. Such regimes exist, for example, for American Indians who reside on reservations, at least with regard to tribal land. In non-Western countries e. Many citizens who are legally capable of holding property are not legally capable of dealing with it. In Western legal systems generally, children are recognized as capable of owning property, but they cannot deal with it without the consent of their parents or guardians.
All Western legal systems have procedures whereby incompetent adults can be deprived of their capacity to deal with property. Restrictions on both the property-holding capacity and the capacity to deal with property of competent adult women have largely been abolished in the West. Marital property regimes differ substantially, however, and although laws in the late 20th and early 21st centuries tended toward equalizing the powers of husband and wife, full equalization of the power to deal with marital property is not the norm in all Western jurisdictions.
Despite the tendency of Western legal systems to regard individual ownership as paradigmatic, all Western legal systems allow a number of different forms of group ownership. The categories offered below are not exhaustive, but they give some notion of the various forms of group ownership that may exist. All Western legal systems recognize that a group of individuals may each have an undivided ownership interest in a thing. This is the norm, for example, when property is inherited by a group of siblings from a parent, but it is also possible for an individual owner to sell or give a piece of property to a group.
The two most commonly recognized forms of co-ownership in Anglo-American jurisdictions are joint tenancy and tenancy in common. In both forms each tenant has the right to possess and the privilege to use the whole thing. If it is physically impracticable for them all to possess or to use the thing, they must agree among themselves who will have possession in fact, since all have possession in law. If they cannot agree, one or more of them may petition the court to have the thing partitioned among them.
If partition in kind cannot be had, the court will order the thing sold and the proceeds divided among the erstwhile cotenants. The two forms of cotenancy differ when it comes to succession and to the power to convey. In tenancy in common, if one of the tenants dies, his heirs or devisees succeed to his moiety. In joint tenancy, if one of the joint tenants conveys his moiety inter vivos e.
The conveyee takes not as a joint tenant but as a tenant in common with the other tenants. In tenancy in common, however, conveyance operates like succession. The conveyee takes the same undivided interest that the conveying tenant had.
Civil-law systems recognize a form of co-ownership similar to the Anglo-American tenancy in common. French law, like Anglo-American, allows co-owners to demand partition of a cotenancy and is hostile to attempts to restrict this power. German law, however, has a form of cotenancy Gesamthandeigentum in which the cotenants cannot partition the tenancy property, although they may alienate their shares.
At English common law, partners held partnership property in their individual capacities. They were obliged to account to their partners for profits earned from it, but the ownership interest was in the partner individually, not in the partnership. The common-law rule prevails in England today.
In many American jurisdictions, however, legislation allows the partners to hold partnership property in a form of cotenancy, known as tenancy in partnership, which is quite similar to the German Gesamthandeigentum. Roman law treated ownership by partners in a way similar to the English common law, but that rule has, in general, not survived in the modern civil law.
Those civil-law countries that do not recognize a form of ownership like the Gesamthandeigentum tend, like the French, to recognize the property-holding capacity of the partnership itself. Thus, partnerships in these countries are treated like corporations for property-holding purposes see below Corporate owners. English common law adopted a regime of separate marital property in the late 12th and early 13th centuries. The wife had her property, the husband his.
The only things that they owned together were things that had been conveyed to them together in a form of tenancy known as tenancy by the entirety which still exists in a number of American jurisdictions. Tenancy by entirety is like joint tenancy in that the surviving spouse takes the whole of the property upon the death of the other spouse. It differs from joint tenancy in that it is not possible for one of the spouses to convey his or her interest so as to defeat the survivorship right of the other.
In the latter half of the 20th century, movements for the equality of women wrought a major change in this system. Most American jurisdictions now provide for a nonbarrable statutory elective share. In the civil-law jurisdictions and in a small number of U. As in the common-law system, husband and wife each have their separate property, but this is only the property they had prior to the marriage or property they received by gift or inheritance during the marriage.
All property that is the result of earnings of either spouse during the marriage is community property , as are, in some of the civil-law jurisdictions, all movables. Separate property descends to the heirs of the spouse who holds the property, but community property is generally divided in half upon the death of the first spouse to die. Half of it goes to the surviving spouse and half of it to the heirs of the first-dying spouse.
Both the common-law and the community-property systems arose at a time when divorce was not as common as it is today. In common-law property jurisdictions the tendency now is to allow the judge wide discretion to divide the property of a divorcing couple without regard to who holds title to what.
In community-property jurisdictions the tendency is to divide the community and to leave the separate property with the spouse who has title to it. The importance of marital property for the concept of property in the West cannot be overestimated. Although spouses have some power to change their marital property arrangements by private agreement, most married people in the West today live under a regime either of community property or of separate property subject to division upon divorce and to a forced share in the surviving spouse.
One might well question to what extent any Westerner who is married can be said to have individual property when his or her spouse has so much of a stake in it. This development is relatively recent, but it is so common today that it needs hardly to be stated. If one asks who has the right to possession, privilege to use, and power to convey property of a corporation, the legal answer is that the corporation does, just as if it were an individual.
But a corporation is not an individual; people act collectively through a corporation. The seeming simplicity of corporate ownership masks a variety of interests. In every Western legal system certain tangible things, such as water, air , or wild animals , are withdrawn from private ownership. Modern Western law tends to regard these things as belonging to the state or the community. Furthermore, certain things that are not withdrawn from private ownership can at any time happen to belong to the community, to the state, or to some governmental entity.
Some of these things, like public highways or public parks, may be open to the public generally, at least under certain conditions; some of them may be owned by the state in a manner quite similar to things that are in private ownership, like government office buildings or government-owned enterprises. The community or the state may have interests in things that are owned privately by someone else.
Offensive land uses may be abated by a public officer acting on behalf of the community or, in some situations, by any affected member of the community suing as private attorney general on behalf of the community. The number and types of land uses that are deemed offensive have increased notably throughout the West with the increase in concern about the environment see below Environmental and historical controls.
The state may acquire ownership over privately owned assets, or discrete interests in assets, through exercise of its power of eminent domain. Where it exercises this power, the state is required, typically by an express provision in its constitution , to pay compensation to the owner. See below Eminent domain. Finally, former communist countries continue to permit, as the West does, state ownership. In Russia , for example, two forms of ownership are recognized: private and public.
Public ownership refers to ownership by the state, whether at the federal, state, or municipal level. In the civil-law tradition the ownership concept is understood in a unitary fashion. In this respect the civilian conception of ownership probably is closer to that held by ordinary nonlawyers than is the Anglo-American conception. Within the common-law world, ownership is not understood as a unitary concept.
The first is the possibility that ownership may be fragmented. The second feature is similar to the first, in that it emphasizes the different rights that various individuals may simultaneously have with respect to the thing. For example, in many U. Both legal traditions strongly identify ownership with possession. In contrast, civil-law systems rarely allow the right of possession to be so divided in terms of time.
Because Western systems connect ownership with the right to possess, it is possible that the ownership of property will shift when the right to possession and possession in fact are separated for a long time. That second possession is wrongful as to person A, but person A must act to recover his possession from person B within the period set down in the statute of limitations.
In most Anglo-American jurisdictions the statute of limitations on actions to recover land is quite long, 10 or 20 years. But if person A fails to act within the limitations period, his action will be barred. One may ask who then owns the land. In most Anglo-American jurisdictions the peaceable possessor of land has the right to possess that land against all except those who can show a better right to possession.
Thus, the person who has actual possession of land for the limitations period acquires a right to possession good as against the whole world, including the true owner whose claim is now time-barred. This adverse possessor, then, becomes the true owner by passage of time. In the civil-law countries the vocabulary is different, but the results are similar.
With the passage of time somewhat longer than in the Anglo-American systems , the possessor is said to acquire title by a process known as prescription. All Western legal systems allow the owner of property to divide it along spatial lines. Such divisions may be unwise, for example, where the resulting piece of land has no access to a public right-of-way see below Public regulation of land use.
In the case of land, public regulation may prevent the division. A somewhat different set of problems arises when the desired division is vertical rather than horizontal. By and large, Anglo-American law allows such vertical divisions, so that one person may own the mineral strata underneath land, another the surface of the land, and the third the air rights.
In both systems modern legislation has made possible, for example, ownership of an apartment on the 30th floor of a building. Condominium ownership is more complicated, because the condominium owner owns not only the area within the four walls of his apartment or house but also access rights and privileges to use common areas and utilities.
Cooperative ownership avoids this complexity by having each of the cooperators own a share in a corporation. The corporation, in turn, allows the cooperators to possess their dwelling units, while retaining the title to all the property. Anglo-American law is notorious for the number and complexity of temporal divisions of ownership it allows. The English law on the topic was considerably simplified in , when it became impossible to have legal ownership divided temporally other than between landlord and tenant.
English law, however, continues to allow complicated temporal divisions of beneficial interests in trusts, allowing, therefore, a temporal division in the equitable but not the legal ownership. In many of the remaining Anglo-American jurisdictions, temporal division of the legal ownership of land is still possible, although increasingly undertaken by way of trust.
One of the possible temporal divisions of ownership in Anglo-American law, the life estate and the remainder in fee , has already been considered. In such an arrangement the life tenant has the right to possess the land for his natural life. He may use the property, but he may not impair its capital value commit waste. He may convey his interest, but he may convey no more than what he has, an interest limited by his life. Hence, his conveyee receives an estate limited by the life of the conveyor estate pur autre vie.
Common-law dower and curtesy are types of life estates. The remainderman has a right to possession that commences upon the death of the life tenant. He may not use the land until the life tenant dies but may sue the life tenant if the life tenant commits waste. The remainderman may also convey his interest inter vivos, subject to the life estate.
If the original owner in fee conveys a life estate to someone else and retains the rest of the property in himself, the retained interest is called a reversion. For most purposes reversions have the same characteristics as remainders. A number of variations on the basic pattern of life estate and remainder are possible in Anglo-American law. Not only is it possible to create successive interests in land in Anglo-American law, but it is also possible to create interests that are subject to express contingencies.
Not only is it possible to make future interests subject to contingencies, but it is also possible in most Anglo-American jurisdictions to make present interests in fee subject to contingencies. Thus, it is possible, for example, to grant a fee interest subject to the contingency that the land be used for school purposes and to provide for a forfeiture of the interest if it is not so used fee simple determinable, fee simple subject to a condition subsequent. Some, although not all, of the arrangements described above are possible in civil law.
The major distinction between Anglo-American and civil law in this regard is that civil law normally does not regard such arrangements as involving divisions of ownership. Thus, the usufruct , the device in civil law that most closely corresponds to the life estate of the Anglo-American law, is regarded not as a form of ownership but as a right in the thing of another jus in re aliena.
Although the usufructuary normally does not have the right to possession in civil law, he is normally given possessory remedies against third-party wrongdoers. All in all, one may question how different the practical position of the usufructuary is from that of the life tenant in Anglo-American law, despite the substantial conceptual differences between the two systems.
Even in the area of conditional gifts, the differences between the two systems are not as great as they might seem. True, in civil law the basic principle is that gifts cannot be conditioned. The donor must give outright or not at all.
There are, however, exceptions in civil law that derive from the medieval Roman law of fideicommissary substitutions the Roman fideicommission that permitted testators to avoid certain restrictions on legacies that existed under the formulary system of Roman law. Welcome to the Digital Spy forums. Forums Recent Rules My Activity. Hey there! Sign In Register. If you found a betting slip in the street and it's a winner where do you stand? I realise that legally it may belong to the person who lost it in the same way as anything that is lost - and I know you can claim winnings on a bet even without the slip if you can correctly answer the questions from the bookie what time did you put it on etc.
But - what if the original owner doesn't try to claim? Where does the 'finder' of the slip stand with regard to claiming the winnings? Posts: Forum Member. Finder's keepers I say! Your fault if you lose it a suppose :sleep:. GrizzyDee Posts: 1, Forum Member. I would go into a different betting shop and ask them. Then depending on what they say, go into the betting shop the slip is from and either claim it or hand it in.
How much is it worth? CoffeeLover Posts: Forum Member. It was my husband's Seriously he said that he thinks that it would be deemed to be fraud. Finlay Reader Posts: 1, Forum Member. If you go into a different betting shop they will ask you which shop you placed it in. If you go into the shop its probably likely theyve already filled a form out. Is it worth that much to go through the hassle?
I highly doubt they would remember who placed the bet, as betting shops get quite a lot of custom. So why not just go in hand them the slip and they should give you the money, if by a slight chance they do ask why the person who placed the bet is not cashing it in either tell them you asked him to place the bet for you or that he asked you to come pick up his winnings. Thing is if the person has already filled in a form and got their money how embarrassing is that when your trying to get it:p.
CitySlicker Posts: 10, Forum Member. Absolutely no way would I try this. I could imagine the employee saying they have to check this and will be back in a couple of minutes, in the meantime it gets sussed out that someone has already cashed their winnings and the 'checking' is actually a call to the police.
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