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Finally, in addition to this pooling and administrative reorganisation, some museums are also trying to find other sources of income from private financing such as through micro-patronage and self-sufficiency, although this is limited for smaller organisations. Previously free services will be paid for, museums will further exploit the rental potential of their spaces, and shops will take on a more important role.

Thus, while each generation reinvents the museum, the future cycle of musealisation of ethnographic collections seems to comprise masterfully managed institutions, integrated into the heart of the community and sensitive to their needs, not just in an economic sense, but an essentially social, economic and political one. Barcelona: Boixareu Universitaria. Chaumier, S.

Alcalde, G. In Alcalde, G. Boya and X. Els nous museus de societat Barrere, C. Bergeron, Y. Boltanksi, L. Madrid: Akal. Boya, J. Els nous museus de societat, O Museo do Pobo Galego: contedor de valores. Santiago: Museo do Pobo Galego.

Candlin, F. London and New York: Bloomsbury. Chevallier, D. Hubert, F. In Chevallier, D. Hudson, K. In Messias Carbonell, B. Museums Studies: An Anthology of Contexts, Cuche, D. La notion de culture dans les sciences sociales. Jacquelin, C. Davallon, J. The Making of Heritage: Seduction and Disenchantment. New York: Routledge. Vitoria-Gasteiz: Nerea. Christophe, J. Dupaigne, B. El visitante tiene la palabra. Barcelona: Ariel. Prats, L.

In Prats, L. Rautenberg, M. Patrimoine et nouveaux usages sociaux. Revista Catalana de Museologia, 2: Roige, X. Fradera, J. Cultura nacional en una societat dividida: patriotisme i cultura a Catalunya Barcelona: Curial. Construyendo el patrimonio cultural y natural. Parques, museos y patrimonio rural. Valencia: Germania. Dins Mairesse, F. Rueda, J. Segalen, M. Paris: Stock. Simard, C. Comment rentabiliser une entreprise culturelle. Soto, S. Tobelem, J. Van Geert, F. In Van Geert, F.

Usos politicos del patrimonio cultural, Barcelona: University of Barcelona. He has participated in different research projects about kinship, immaterial heritage, museology, ethnological museums and local museums. He is currently the head of the research group Heritage in times of crisis. He has also commissioned several exhibitions and has carried out management projects and museum management plans. New challenges for ethnological museums in Catalonia: between crisis and definition of their social role.

There are many different types of museum. They range from large general institutions to small local museums, from specialised institutions to those with a more general focus, from museums dealing with rural society to others dealing with other cultures, from those giving us a picture of traditional societies to others focusing on the major challenges facing contemporary society. Even so, a cursory glance at ethnological museums in Catalonia today leads us to two initial conclusions.

Overall the position of ethnological museums in Catalonia is weak to date it has not been possible to create national ethnological museums but there are a good number of small local and county museums, many of which are of considerable interest. It seems paradoxical that there should be no national ethnological museums in view of the dynamism of local museums including some excellent examples and outstanding initiatives , which, since the s, have undergone considerable growth and played.

Determining the factors that have led to this situation is a complex matter. As everywhere, the development of museums can be explained in terms of the complex relationships between political power, specialists and the community sustaining them Pomian, , and the development of ethnological museums in Catalonia is no exception.

Consequently, while ethnological museums have quite often been seen as significant elements of identity at the local level, our ethnological heritage has always played a secondary role in Catalonia as a whole. Challenges, changes and strategies in local contexts. This paper reflects the current situation of ethnological museums in Catalonia, highlighting the main trends and debates. An historical tour of how they have been raised and their different perspectives.

The diversity of museums is indicated. There are quite different museums, from museums to small local museums, from specialized to general museums, from museums that deal with rural society to others who speak of us about other cultures. The paper starts with two initial findings: at the Catalan general level, the situation of ethnological museums is weak, while on the contrary there is a good number of small and local ethnological museums, many of which have great interest.

The paper also analyzes the impact of the economic crisis and the narratives regarding identity and rural societies. Although there has been a clear preference for museums focusing on art or history to explain our cultural identity, the recent history of ethnological museums in Catalonia has consisted of a series of failed attempts to create a major national museum. But these factors only explain part of the situation.

At the local level, since the s our ethnological heritage has played a strong social role in expressing local identity Alcalde and Rueda, and has also been seen and used as a resource for developing or sustaining the local economy Prats, On the other hand, in the context of a large city like Barcelona, ethnological museums play a secondary role: it is difficult for them to compete with major art museums, which are part of the modern image of the city presented to tourists, and to explain the complexity of identities in a context where they are changing, one which is multicultural and involves complex, permeable societies.

Explaining these social changes should be one of the key roles of ethnological museums but this has not been achieved because of the difficulties related to the content of museums dealing with society, which are politically more difficult to manage than the apparently more neutral art museums this is why some ethnological museums become museums in which objects are exhibited for their aesthetic value, as we shall see. Accordingly, governments often do not consider the creation of or investment in these museums a priority, because their content or the stories they tell may prove uncomfortable.

As Bergeron points out regarding the case of Canada , relations between governments and the discourse presented in museums dealing with society are often turbulent because of the influence of museums on the public and the difficulty of controlling that discourse.

Governments generally use museums to validate their own discourse and ideological position, exploiting them as. It is thus clear that there has been no political or social interest in creating major ethnological museums in Catalonia2 because of the political difficulties they involve and because other museums already fulfil the role of narrating national identity.

There are two further reasons, which we shall be returning to later. Firstly, the limited interest in anthropology as an academic discipline relevant to museums, with a distant, generally critical view. Secondly, and more importantly, the effects of the economic recession dating from , which has brought about a drastic reduction in public spending on museums.

This is not only paralysing the creation of new museums but seriously affecting the activities of existing museums and their chances of survival, especially local museums. In the following pages we shall examine some of these questions, analysing the situation and recent controversies concerning ethnological museums in Catalonia.

We shall attempt to answer the following questions among others: What political and socio-economic circumstances have conditioned their development? Why have interesting local museums developed when there is so little development of Catalan national museums? What theories have influenced the development of Catalan ethnological museums?

How do they represent and exhibit Catalan society and local society? How do they respond to the challenges arising from the economic recession? What conceptual and theoretical challenges are posed by social transformation, globalisation and efforts to obtain political rights in Catalonia?

The text comprises four main sections. After a brief review of the history of ethnological museums we look separately at the situation of three main types of museum and the issues affecting them: local museums, museums dealing with other cultures and the hitherto unsuccessful projects for the creation of a National Ethnological Museum. This will enable us, in our conclusion, to discuss the main challenges facing these museums and, in particular, how they are responding to the current recession.

The development of ethnological museums Although our main aim is to analyse the current situation of ethnological museums, an examination of their history will enable us to understand their situation in recent times. In general terms, we can identify four main periods in the development of museums in Catalonia.

In the first stage, the years up to , the development of ethnological museums was limited to a few isolated cases. In the second period, after , a large number of ethnological museums, especially local museums, were created as a result of the strengthening of cultural identity after the restoration of democracy in Subsequently, in the period to , discourse regarding identity continued to be important, while the number of museums grew considerably as a result of economic development.

In the last period, the impact of the economic recession has led to a drastic reduction in funds allocated to museums in general and to the need for a new approach to ethnological museum science. These considerations also apply to other autonomous regions in Spain and even to Spain as a whole. One of the difficulties of the project was that there had to be explanations about Spain.

Background Before the development of ethnological museums was very limited. There are many reasons for this but we would point out five in particular: the scant academic interest in folklore, the limited development of academic anthropology, the limited role of Spanish colonialism in the period when the most important ethnographic collections of material from other cultures were being built up late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries , the prohibition by the Spanish state of all representations of Catalan identity especially during the dictatorships of Primo de Rivera and Franco , and the insignificant role of museum science in the Catalan nationalist and regionalist movements, in contrast with the Scandinavian countries, for example, where museums and folklore played an essential role in the struggle for national identity.

Even so, there were a number of initiatives. The first projects for museums devoted specifically to ethnography date from the early twentieth century, as a result of the initiative of a group of students of folklore who felt and expressed the need to create centres to explain and interpret the cultural, social and economic circumstances of traditional societies. However, folklore and traditional regional laws were to play an ambivalent role, since, although they were tolerated by the regime, they were significant in maintaining regionalist sentiment in Catalonia Geniola, Various campaigns were organised to obtain objects representative of popular culture from different parts of Catalonia for the museum.

In the two museums were unified, in they were separated again and in they were reunified. Throughout this period these projects were supported by Barcelona City Council, which has played this role not only in the case of ethnological museums but with a good number of others. From the second half of the s, and above all from the s onward, a series of regional ethnographic museums were created5, many. These museums marked the first stages in the recovery on a local level of regional features and our ethnological heritage and they played an important role in resisting uniformity, to the extent that they can be considered a focal point of resistance to loss of identity and cultural activism.

In the s, the final years of the Franco era, the foundations were progressively laid for an approach to local museum science that would be more fully developed during the Transition. The proliferation of these museums, most of which came into existence as the result of social initiatives and a great deal of voluntary work, was undoubtedly the most significant feature of museum science in those years Iniesta, Two closely related events made a decisive contribution to the proliferation of local museums: the restoration of the Government of Catalonia and the arrival of new, democratic local councils.

Efforts to establish Catalan and local identity led to the creation of a large number of local museums, as a relatively quick way to provide a local response to the rapid changes taking place in rural societies.

The proliferation of museums also led to the creation of a network of local and county museums in According to Rueda , during this period nine regional museums were created and thirteen. The first would show aspects such as human dwellings, household furniture and the first forms of industry hunting, fishing, livestock, agriculture ending with popular or artisan industry. The spiritual part showed the life of individuals from birth to death, taking in marriage and family life together with rituals, music, drama, dance, theatre, superstitions, medicine and religion.

Many of these museums were renovated after the restoration of democracy. The number of regional museums in the network reached twenty, most of them ethnological. While the Catalan government had focused on local museums in the previous period, from the s onward it undertook a process of consolidating Catalonia as an autonomous region and supported a project for the establishment of national museums. The creation of a national ethnological museum was envisaged but, as we shall see, this has never taken place.

The enactment of the Law on Museums applied a new model of museum planning, based on thematic networks which had their headquarters in the national museums. Casa Gassia. Inspired by the model of radial ecomuseums, it was one of the first to apply the concept of ecomuseum in Catalonia. Moreover, plans to launch Barcelona as a cultural destination implied the creation of new cultural facilities, prioritising museums aimed at tourists.

Nevertheless the number of local museums continued to grow considerably thanks to municipal initiatives, largely motivated by the idea of creating schemes to boost local development. The creation of new museums and the refurbishment of existing museums was even more intense during the first years of the twenty-first century. Between and the expansion of heritage assets was impressive, with projects that sought more modern, more original approaches.

Moreover, the nature of the museums themselves has changed. In previous decades museums were the result of social initiatives but now local museums are generally promoted by public institutions with the aim of developing tourism or contributing to social development. Many small communities have created museum infrastructures, especially interpretation centres, in many cases without adequate planning or an assessment of how the museum is to be maintained, whether it can survive and its ability to attract visitors.

At the local level, this was the case of museums devoted to ethnological especially rural heritage, industrial heritage and historical memory. These years did not only see growth in the number of museums. There was also a pronounced tendency for them to externalise services, creating a large number of museum-related businesses concerned with the preparation of projects, exhibitions and educational services.

This outsourcing implied that a large number of museums were set up according to business logic,. The companies themselves designed the products and the setting and even chose the themes. They are, above all, products designed for the tourist market. Even after the beginning of the recession, the number of museums continued to rise. Most were projects that had already started and, despite the adverse economic situation, they were completed.

To what extent does Catalan society need so many museums? Museums in the recession since With the onset of the recession the scenario changed radically. Since museums have seen investment, budgets and ordinary expenditure progressively falling. Many museums have reduced their activities, the number of exhibitions and even their opening hours, while many jobs have been lost. Interestingly, we find that the museums in the best position to survive are large museums that live from tourism and small museums with few facilities but a strong base in the community, including eco-museums and ethnological museums created with a more solid community basis, while those.

As Bergeron says, museums with a strong social base are in a better position to survive and adapt to adverse economic conditions. Even so, conditions are very hard for many local museums, which have had to cope with a substantial reduction in public funding by reducing the number of employees, employing staff part time and, above all, by cutting back on their more costly activities temporary exhibitions, publications, research, etc.

We do not have specific figures showing how much ethnological museums have been affected by spending cuts, but overall public funding for museums fell by In this period the largest percentage reduction in funding was in that received from the autonomous government Budgetary allocations were. Another significant factor is that Catalan museums are funded mainly by local councils Although this pattern of funding has been similar since Table 1 , during the recession years the proportion contributed by local councils was much greater.

In , for example, funding from the Catalan government fell to In short, these figures show that there were serious budgetary cuts, affecting everyday activities above all, and that the greatest. La Farga del Roquer, Museu del Montseny. Example of museumization of industrial heritage.

By administration and area of action. Source: Government of Catalonia. Ministry of Culture. Plan for Museums in Catalonia. Museums, Barcelona, Chart 2: Museum funding in Catalonia The extent to which funding was reduced is, however, even greater in the case of local ethnological museums.

In addition to the. As can be seen in Table 2, average funding varies greatly. Moreover, it has been the medium-small. Furthermore, while the larger museums increased their numbers of employees in the period , the rest have reduced the number of staff they employ.

The same trend can be seen in the total workforce. The recession has also raised doubts about the content of ethnological museums and their objectives, as they must achieve a difficult balance between their social objectives, the interests of the public, public funding.

We shall deal with these issues in greater detail at the end of this article. Local ethnological museums The characteristics of local ethnological museums Since local museums have had to face various challenges. They need to contribute to the generation of resources and the transformation of heritage, even to making it profitable.

All these museums are subject to various tensions, which include finding a balance between service to the local community and their use by tourists, constructing local identity based on traditional forms and communities that are very different today, the tension between local and global, and the enthusiasm of their staff for a local project where funds are often lacking Rasse, Although they constitute the largest proportion, they are the type that attracts fewest visitors: 1, per year on average, with an annual average of 13, for museums compared with the general average of 92, and 1, for collections compared with an average of 25, visitors 9.

Other more specifically ethnological local museums receive some 10,, visitors. The remaining ethnological museums have fewer than 10, visitors. As we have already pointed out, local museums are the outstanding and most characteristic feature of Catalan ethnological museology. However, we can distinguish two main families of museums. The first stems from the influence of the new museology, although it has, logically, been readapted. The first was a change in their discourse: museums no longer needed only to preserve the past but also to explain it; the object alone was therefore no longer sufficient, its role in the rural scene, its ecological significance and its contribution to identity needed to be made clear.

The second, and possibly the most important change, was that a new role was assigned to museums: they were no longer expected to be erudite institutions dealing with the past but were also expected to contribute to local development, tourism and the generation of income. Heritage thus moved from being a reserve to being a strategy for local development, while it also acquired a political role, being used to mobilise the actors in a region in pursuit of common objectives.

Although there are few institutions described as such in Catalonia, a large number may be considered to have been inspired by the concept. Many arose from the initiatives of associations or local groups in a period when the search for local identity and a Catalan national identity was fundamental after many years under the Franco regime. Most were small local experiments created to safeguard a collective memory through objects used in agriculture or as part of festivals or ceremonies.

Many have a close connection with the area and are presented as a local institution which is more interesting because it. We include figures for both categories combined. Source: own figures based on data from the Ministry of Culture: Statistics on museums. Neither have we included the list of industrial heritage museums as they do not appear as ethnological museums, although we consider that they should be classified as such.

An example is the Museu de les Mines in Cercs, with 36, visitors. However, a large proportion of these museums have updated their displays and museography and have succeeded in combining a fresh image with their social role. The second family comprises a series of designer museums, often called interpretation centres, many of which have been created without adequate planning regarding their potential.

The reorientation of these museums is, in our opinion, one of the main challenges for the restructuring of museums on the local level as they have not always not even before the recession attracted the visitor numbers envisaged or met their financial targets Prats, One of the main problems for local ethnological museums is their isolation and their size. These are museums located in small and medium-sized Catalan towns, which have gained an excellent reputation over the years and made a valuable contribution to the community.

They are the ethnological museums which have the highest standards in terms of museography, public acceptance and research. By working as part of a network they hope to combine their efforts in the areas of displays, conservation and research. Working in this way is undoubtedly one of the best options for the continuity of these museums. What picture of Catalan society do museums give us?

But what picture do local ethnological museums give us of Catalan society? These museums are often based on a nostalgic view of the rural past and interest in creating them is a response to the process of globalisation and fear of losing features of our rural culture.

The old museums with rural artefacts have aged, not only in their form but above all in their content: the traditional, idyllic societies they portray are now very remote from modern visitors, even those working on the land. The recognition of rural society as heritage has become a new instrument for local. And museums, consciously or unconsciously, often contribute to the increasing role of rural society as heritage, thus legitimising these processes.

Museums are beginning to refer to the economic challenges facing agriculture, ecological crops, methods of production, the globalisation of agriculture, and genetically modified food. This new approach is also related to contemporary scientific discourse on rural life and the different models devised to explain its development Jean, Museu de la Vida Rural. The last part of the museum explains the changes and challenges of agriculture and rural society.

First-person narratives tell visitors about a wide range of aspects of rural life, including waste recycling, the problems of genetically modified crops and the protection of seeds, agroecology, trade in local produce, slow food, and renewable energies.

While it is true that many museums offer a frozen, archaic image of these societies, many others have attempted, more or less successfully, to find formulae to modernise their narrative and inform visitors about the. Ethnological museums have made a great deal of progress in this sense and new generations of university-trained museum scientists are making their mark in this slow transformation. Not all museums are in a position to tackle these challenges: there are many conceptual difficulties and problems regarding discourse and museography, even including the preferences of visitors who see museums as institutions reflecting the past and not the present.

As well as museums focusing on rural themes, since the s there has been growing interest in industrial heritage. This type of heritage, not always considered as ethnological, has developed quickly because, as a result of industrial transformation, many factories, workshops and even craft industries that contributed to the economic identity of an area have become obsolete.

This has left many places not only with economic problems which industrial museums have tried to palliate by looking for new sources of income but also with problems of identity, which these museums have helped to reinforce. This type of heritage often proves. The action of the ecomuseum also takes place in the field of the promotion of craftwork. From the viewpoint of ethnological heritage, the problem with these museums is that ethnologists have been unwilling or unable to see them as belonging to the field.

Debate regarding the national ethnology museum While local ethnological museums, despite their limitations, have a certain presence, the development of national ethnological museums in Catalonia has, paradoxically, been very limited. Museums have been created in various autonomous regions with a view to presenting features of national or regional identity but in Catalonia this has not been done to date.

Moreover, all the initiatives proposed have been fiercely debated. In a first attempt was made via a seminar attended by various people with an interest in anthropology university, museums, research centres, institutions, leading figures, politicians, experts and professionals, including various anthropologists to establish the mission, aims, and conceptual and political model for the displays in the planned museum, its creation being envisaged in the Law on Museums Ventosa, Apart from the debate itself, the project was badly received by the press, with criticism of its approach to cultural identity.

This may be why it was sidelined and the Government of Catalonia opted for the construction, in record time, of a museum devoted to the history of Catalonia. Plans for an ethnological museum were shelved for many years until, at the end of , a new Plan for Museums was approved, containing two major proposals for the development of ethnological museums: the creation of a network of museums.

The proposal led to lively debate, especially regarding two aspects: the desirability of incorporating the archaeological museum in a common project and the way in which the museum should deal with Catalan identity and Catalan society and its cultural diversity. The first of these issues produced the most criticism, with support for the continued.

Various plans for museums have been presented by the Government of Catalonia. After the Law on Museums , which defined the situation of museums in Catalonia, a plan for museums in Catalonia was drawn up in This was updated in with the guidelines for a new plan for museums in Catalonia and later, in July , with a working paper for a new plan for museums in Catalonia.

Sistema de Museus de Catalunya. The latest and most ambitious attempt was the Plan for Museums, which, following an extensive study, lays down the foundations for a project to be implemented in the coming years. It is curious to note that, while Catalan archaeologists mounted a vigorous campaign in defence of their museum, there were hardly any protests among anthropologists against the proposal for an ethnological museum. In , shortly after the publication of the new Plan for Museums, although the proposals for a unified museum were still only sketchy, a manifesto was signed by over 1, people, including a substantial number of archaeologists and university lecturers.

There was considerable discussion about how identity should be presented, although it was less intense As in these museums, the approach was multi-disciplinary, based on temporary rather than permanent exhibitions thus overcoming the difficulties of producing a synthesis that might be reduc-. Given the strong role of this type of museum in establishing identity, it seems strange that no national ethnological museum should have been created. There are various reasons for this but we feel that it can be explained by three main factors: the lack of interest on the part of Catalan anthropologists in museum science the community has not applied any pressure to support the idea, while in other cases, such as archaeology, there has been strong demand for a specific museum ; the difficulty of explaining identity in a museum; and the fact that the drive to establish Catalan identity has focused less on heritage than on other identifying features.

Government decisions to support museums devoted to history or to archaeology can undoubtedly be defended on political and even on academic grounds. But the failure to develop a museum of human society means that we have missed the opportunity to implement an interesting project, which could have very important social repercussions, and create an institution that could be among the most innovative.

It is also symptomatic that there are few plans for museums that foster cross-cultural dialogue, when this is one of the subjects that most concern Catalan society. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, the museum introduced a new permanent display which dealt with traditional cultures and cross-cultural influences, encouraging open communication in a space for dialogue and recognition between cultures. Special attention was paid to the world of Catalan industrial workers and other communities and social groups such as gipsies, Jews and immigrants from the Americas and Africa, and numerous activities were organised related to such communities in the context of a period of heavy immigration.

Nevertheless, the museum achieved a certain social influence and established links with different social groups. In the museum was closed for extensive refurbishment of the building with plans to. However, the project was modified when the new City Council, elected in , proposed creating a new museum of world cultures , which would house the most valuable exhibits from the MEB.

It was decided to take advantage of the location to house part of the collection of the ethnological museum and the Folch private collection, loaned to the city for twenty years. The museum displayed the collection so that visitors could appreciate its aesthetic quality, with exhibits isolated from the material, social and historical circumstances in which they were produced, with few allusions to the colonial and post-colonial periods or a wider concept of culture.

The city thus lost the opportunity to create a modern multicultural museum in the style of world culture museums such as the Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam, the Museum of World Culture in Gothenburg, and the Rautenstrauch Joest Museum in Cologne Van Geert, It shows cultural diversity through the artistic experience of peoples from a multidiscipli-.

Currently this museum can only be visited by appointment. Its creation was related to the work of missionaries from the early years of the twentieth century de Manresa, The concept is based on an artistic view of the ethnological object, without considering the role of colonialism in these continents or the cultural context in which the exhibit was produced.

Even so, the authorities tried to assign a role of cultural dialogue to the museum. The museum has not, moreover, been successful in attracting the visitor numbers that. Exhibition of works made according to their aesthetic perspective. Although it had 50, visitors22 during the first two months after opening February and March , when admission was free, the number has declined since then, to the extent that numbers of visitors are currently well below23 initial expectations, bearing in mind the investment and its central location.

However, at present it is too soon to carry out any analysis. With the change of local government in the management of the MCM and the MEB was unified and a new series of temporary exhibitions was launched, including an exhibition about Spanish colonialism in Africa Iukunde.

The MEB, reopened in after four years of rebuilding work, houses. Challenges and discussion for the future The development of ethnological museums in Catalonia, their situation and the debates we have presented raise a number of questions about their future. Ethnological museums will have to deal with many challenges but these can be summarised under five headings. Funding is undoubtedly the most difficult challenge. The question is complex, because lack of funding is stifling day-to-day operations, conditions of.

With this exhibition the museum wanted to open a different exhibition line. However, as Bergeron 66 points out, the recession is also forcing museums to review their mission, the development of their collections and their communication strategies. And, as the same author suggests 80 , we should be optimistic because, although the funding of museums by different government bodies seems to be threatened more than ever, we need to convince those bodies of the need for museums to continue to exist because of their cultural and social role, and their contribution to key aspects of a shared, open culture in a well-informed society.

If ethnological museums succeed in modernising their discourse, they will be able to offer many responses to the major challenges facing contemporary society. In order to alleviate governmental responsibility, politicians expect that the funds raised by the museums themselves, in addition to those provided by public institutions, will play an increasingly important role, and that this will condition the development of museums.

However, ethnological museums must be capable of convincing the authorities that investment in museums can be useful in periods of recession, as they can contribute to social stability. Paraphrasing the words of the economist Schumacher Small is Beautiful , Bergeron 82 identifies the need to take action on the human scale into account in museums, considering the economy from the point of view of sustainable development.

The existence of these museums is not based on economic logic but on community and social logic, so that small museums have an important role in the regional economy. However, beyond the financial challenges, which threaten the continuity of museums or force them to adopt a different formula, ethnological museums in Catalonia are faced with other challenges which are no less complex.

It is not so much a question of closing museums as of using resources effectively, working in networks that deal really efficiently with technical issues, sharing staff and overcoming local isolation. This may seem simple but it is highly complex. Decisive measures to improve the standing of local museums are also needed, a policy that seems to be indicated in the new Plan for Museums. Major organisational efforts are called for and technical resources are needed for conservation and research, considering museums in a wider sense and making them custodians of local heritage.

Museums today are undoubtedly undergoing major changes. The notion of heritage has become polysemic and there is a multiplicity of new forms of heritage. Firstly, other types of heritage are proliferating outside museums, such as intangible heritage, which is becoming increasingly important. Ethnological museums need to become custodians of intangible local heritage, as they are the organisations that can best do this. Secondly, objects, while still playing an important role, will no longer predominate.

New reserves are increasingly digital and today the notion of authenticity does not have the same meaning as it did a few decades ago Bergeron, The creation of digital museums is an unresolved issue in a culture where books, the press and music now circulate predominantly via the internet and social networks.

The new technologies, little used as yet, will allow museums to create new ways to make their collections and exhibitions available. Another major challenge for ethnological museology in Catalonia is the creation of a national museum of ethnology. The wealth of local museums fulfils this mission successfully, but we need an organisation able to direct and coordinate their work and, above all, to raise the profile of anthropological museums.

The economic recession and social and political interests have not helped us to achieve this aim and to date there have only been declarations of good intentions. Whether the museum of history and archaeology proposed in. Depending on the scenario, an increase from Apart from funding, the rapid social changes taking place in Catalan society are also affecting ethnological museums, many of which are the product of or have inherited the theoretical approaches of the new museology of the s.

Traditional themes should not be discarded, but the introduction of new thematic content is necessary: immigration, cultural diversity, relations between cultures, nationalism, conflict, the transformation of the family, tourism, urban spaces and new rituals, and consideration of the independence movement and new social movements are just a few examples.

The advantage of ethnological heritage, compared with other types of heritage, is that it can deal with the contemporary issues that underlie social concerns. Logically, these themes are often. The challenges are enormous. How does one reach the new social movements? What role should museums play in the political future of Catalan society?

The recession has led to greater concern with social issues such as the right to housing, multiculturalism, unemployment and the independence movement in Catalonia. Can museums attract these movements or work with them? Are they prepared to deal with these issues and become a space for social debate? Because of the subjects they deal with, ethnological museums should make these questions a priority, but to date they have only been framed as part of a declaration of principles.

Although they are subject to considerable pressure to obtain new funding, museums have an important role to play in a process that attempts to combine the social and economic value of heritage. Girona: Documenta Universitaria. In Lira, S. Ecomuseums , Barcelos: Green Lines Institute. Andreu, A. In Arrieta, I. Patrimonios culturales y museos, Bilbao: Publishing service of the University of the Basque Country. Crochet, A. In Gonseth, M-O. Lyon: Presses Universitaires. In Roige, X.

San Sebastian: Ankulegi Antropologia Elkartea. Generalitat de Catalunya Pla de museus de Catalunya. Museus Barcelona: Ministry of Culture. Geniola, A. In Archiles, F. Valencia: University of Valencia. Gob, A. Greffe, X. Prats, Ll. Price, S. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Jean, Y.

Rasse, P. In Gelarau, M. Lille: Presses Universitaires. Juan i Nebot, A. Paris: Dunod. Culture, politique et changement institutionnel. Moutinho, M. Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural, 8 8 : In Huetas, R. Ciencia y fascismo, Madrid: Ediciones Doce Calles. Pomian, K. In Jeudy, H-P.

Patrimoines en folie, In Calvo, L. Barcelona: Government of Catalonia. Parks, Museums and Rural Heritage. Girona: Documenta. Romero de Tejada, P. Revista Catalana de Museologia, 4: Serra de Manresa, F. Serra, M. Barcelona: University of Barcelona, Doctoral thesis. Ventosa, S. Curator at the Ethnology Museum of Valencia. In recent years she has worked on several projects related to Valencian local ethnology museums.

Currently she codirects the renovation of the Ethnology Museum of Alpuente. Director of the Ethnology Museum of Valencia. Possesses extensive experience in the production of exhibitions and cultural management. Currently dedicated to the production of exhibitions for the Ethnology Museum of Valencia, particularly on the renovation of its permanent galleries.

And so, the current landscape of local Valencian museums is clearly one that is dominated by the presence of ethnographic museums. The aim of this essay is twofold: first of all, to contribute some information on the effect the recent recession1 has had on a sample of local Valencian ethnology museums.

Secondly, a series of reflections — based on our first-hand experience at the Ethnology Museum of Valencia — regarding changes in rhetoric, museology and the future challenges that these museums face. The management perspective works as an. What recession?

There is no doubt that the recent recession has been costly for many institutions related to culture and heritage in both public and private sectors see for example: Van Der Weiden, 18; Moldoveau and IonFranc, or Howerey, What we would like to consider here however is the effect of the recession on the sector of local Valencian ethnographic museums.

Aiming to provide some information in this regard, the authors conducted a short survey in some twenty museums throughout the region. In this survey, intended mainly. Museums dedicated to popular culture represent the most widespread type of local museum in the Valencian Community. In recent decades these Valencian museums have increased their numbers significantly while spearheading several renovation projects. Located in small towns, they are affected by socio-economic contexts in a variety of ways.

And so, while the latest recession seems to have left them largely unscathed, the profound structural and compositional changes of the communities to which they belong poses tough challenges for the future. Collaboration between institutions is crucial to managing and tackling these challenges, as well as a profound change in the standards that value them as cultural heritage institutions. Contrary to what it may seem, programme data does not appear to be intimately linked to that of budget data.

External collaboration makes it possible to sustain programmes in times of financial decline while significant budget rises do not. We would like to emphasise the following arguments: First: The negative effect of the recession on local museums of ethnology in Valencia has been largely contained. The more or less significant budgetary reductions that museums have suffered from are often counterbalanced by cases of improvement, at least in terms of budget.

One could argue that, to a great extent, the political commitment of local institutions behind the museum projects tend to remain. Third: based on the previous point, one could say that it is a good period in the Valencian Community considering the public and political support these institutions receive from a local standpoint.

People are interested in museums. In fact, rather than a good period, it should be referred to as a sus-. Fourth: It is quite clear that the effects of the recession on museum activity has been more complex than what can possibly be deduced from budgetary changes.

Variations or lack thereof in budgets and programmes do not necessarily overlap. Rather we should assess the impact, for example, on the number school visits, generally lower during the recession, the impact factor of institutional — or non-institutional — collaboration that may have been enabled, or perhaps even the increased political pressure to halt specific expenditures perceived as hard to justify at a time of widespread recession. Finally, this time outside the scope of the survey, it is worth noting that there have also been some cases in our country where the recession has affected the odd local museum severely.

This museum ceased its activity between May and February The museum was sustained financially thanks to contributions made by the Elche Council, a patronage consisting of local entrepreneurs and a group of individual partners.

In early , financial difficulties. In response to this situation, several collectives set up a petition as well as the mobilisation of local collectives that ultimately succeeded in giving the project another push, eventually leading to the reopening of the museum as well as deeper commitment on behalf of social agents and institutions Pusol School Museum, Management techniques Institutionally, the majority of museums and local collections are owned by the municipality and are managed by civil servants or people employed on a more or less permanent basis by the administration.

In these cases, employed staff are present but the workload taken up by volunteers is higher as well. Nothing new so far. In recent years however we can observe the appearance of noteworthy public-private management techniques. A council follow-up commission would ensure contract conditions were met while a board consisting of local beekeeping businesses and other stakeholders from the Montroi beekeeping sector , would act as advisors to the museum Galletero, We shall have to see how it all develops.

Network of Ethnology Museums of the Provincial Council of Valencia The formulas for shared resource management in the museum sector are far from ground breaking. These formulas underwent an important expansion in the 90s which, upon closer inspection, presented — and still present — a wide array of organisational levels and objectives Grau, The idea of working collaboratively has always been convenient and useful in a technical sense, as well politically attractive and appealing.

The scope of the network is provincial in the-. From that moment forth, the Ethnology Museum of Valencia has maintained an external project department charged with funnelling the financial and technical demands that local museums would make to the Provincial Council of Valencia. In recent years, the Ethnology Museum of Valencia has incorporated an educational aspect with the scheduling of a seminar to which local museum technicians convene in order to address topics relating to their own professional challenges.

Improve communication and dissemination systems, creating shared spaces in which to carry out activities in a collaborative manner. The decree also specifies an initial service Catalog that will be improved and enhanced. In areas deemed necessary by the network.


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Blu Notte. Join Facebook to connect with Mauro Malorgio and others you may know. Mauro De Giorgi. Renee Mauro. Mona Mauro. Citeste mai departe. Nel 92 forma un trio con Mauro. Mauro Beting. Sei in cerca di marce per banda? Postato da Beppe Grillo il Outro dia recebi. Website da Banda Musical de S. Feb 11, After their huge investments in Oak Island, the Laginas also received a that it looks more likely than ever that they could find some important manuscripts. According to this local legend, the treasure that is hidden on Oak Island can only be The curse of the island is something of which the Lagina brothers have always been aware.

This has led them to believe that they could also find manuscripts in the Money Pit. Although these items can be considered treasure in their own right, no significant main treasure site has ever been found. The site consists of digs by numerous. Feb 11, Word is this year-old island mystery has the greatest chance ever at finally being solved in From what I've learned on my internet search, everything you see is is still busy trying to help solve the Oak Island treasure hunt mystery.

Feb 11, It may look like a fixer-upper, but what is buried beneath Oak Island might Oak Island, in Nova Scotia, is famous for its Money Pit, a mystery that "He has a strong hunch about the nature of the treasure and may yet Did the Amazon female warriors from Greek mythology really exist?

See more latest. Feb 11, If there's treasure there, they'll find it, but according to last night's show this dig will take them three years and cost in the "tens of millions" of. Feb 11, Here's a look at the Oak Island treasure. The Curse of Oak Island — holds the most promise for what really lies at the bottom of the Money Pit. Lagina's quest, in which he is joined by his son, Alex, his colleague Jt did you ever get a response for the use of LiDAR?

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After much. Treasure hunters have been intrigued by the legend of Oak Island for more than years. Some believe one of the greatest treasures of all time is hidden on this. The mystery of Oak Island has captivated treasure hunters for centuries. Along with two friends, he began digging, finding patched logs at regular intervals. Feb 11, Do you want to know what the real curse of Oak Island is? Feb 11, But do they ever find any treasure on Oak Island? The Lagina brothers have been exploring the acre island for years, but they've uncovered.

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